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ANTI-SEMITISM WITHOUT JEWS
Presentation at the conference
on the "New Anti-Semitism" organized by the
Anne Frank Stichting, Amsterdam, April 8, 2003 by Ruth
Ellen Gruber
http://www.annefrank.nl/ned/news/news.html
More than a dozen years ago, when
I was carrying out research
for a Jewish travel guide to eastern and central Europe,
I visited
the remote Polish farming village of Krynki, on the
border of what
was then still the Soviet Union and is today Belarus.
We visited Krynki's large, abandoned Jewish cemetery,
where
horses were grazing, and we looked at what was left
of the three
synagogues. One was a pile of rubble; one was used as
a warehouse and
one was the local cinema.
At the end of our visit, we had
a run-in with a group of drunks
who were guzzling vodka on the steps of the local restaurant.
They kept hassling the Polish friend we were traveling
with, and
he was shocked and embarrassed to translate what they
were saying:
They wanted to know if we were Jews, because if so,
they were going
to torch the car.
Now, the car we were in happened
to have Dutch license plates.
Our friend took the drunks to the car and showed them
the yellow NL
sticker. "See the 'N'," he told them. "That
means NO, we were NOT
Jewish."
It is a measure of how drunk these
men were that they believed
him and went away.
It is also a measure of how little actual Jews may have
to do
with anti-Semitism.
Before World War II, Jews had made up two-thirds or
more of
Krynki's population. But no Jews had lived there in
half a century,
and I doubt whether many had even visited in the decades
since the
Holocaust.
The drunks who accosted us looked
young enough that they would
scarcely have remembered first hand either the prewar
years or
wartime. And I doubt whether any of them knowingly would
even have
ever seen a living Jew.
They were, clearly, acting on
visceral hatreds rooted in a
complex and potent mix of religion, politics, superstition,
handed-down stereotype and distorted, even manipulated,
memory that
was oblivious to any living reality.
Their hostility, in fact, was directed against Jews
as a concept
or a symbol. They were ready to set the car of Jews
on fire, but they
did not even know what Jews were.
I've been asked to discuss the
phenomenon of "anti-Semitism
without Jews" in historical terms, but also within
the context of
what has been called the "new anti-Semitism"
that has manifested
itself in Europe - and, indeed, elsewhere - in the wake
of the Al
Aqsa intifada, the September 11 attacks, and now, the
war with Iraq.
I have to say that I am not really comfortable with
the term
"new anti-Semitism."
As the London Jewish Chronicle
put it in an editorial last year,
anti-Semitism is a "light sleeper," easy to
rouse. It is also often
referred to as a virus, a protean virus which, like
disease-causing
viruses in the human body, is able to mutate in an opportunistic
fashion to defeat whatever defenses or anti-bodies have
been built up
against it.
It has done so many times, even
in post-Holocaust countries
whose Jewish population is practically invisible. And
it is doing so
now.
More than 40 years ago, the Polish
social scientist Aleksander
Hertz eloquently described the persistence of anti-Semitism,
even in
the absence of Jews, in his book The Jews in Polish
Culture.
This book was originally published in Paris in 1961,
less than
two decades after the horrific destruction of most of
European Jewry
Hertz described a "growing wave of anti-Semitism,"
aimed against
the scattered survivors of the Shoah who chose to remain
in Poland.
Most of these people had had little or no contact with
the pre-war
Jewish community, many had not identified as Jews, and
most were
deeply embedded in mainstream society.
Still, he wrote, the old "Jewish
question" existed and hostility
was directed toward these individuals as Jews.
Such persistent hostility, he wrote, demonstrated that:
"antagonism to certain people is not dependent
on their numbers,
their objective role, or their 'alienness.' It is not
the few Jews in
Poland who are the source of the anti-Semitism but certain
deep and
wide-ranging diseases that eat away at the society in
which those
Jews live. Jews become only a convenient means to facilitate
the
polarization of certain feelings and reactions. Even
if there were
not a single Jew in Poland today, or if no Jew were
playing the
slightest part in Polish life, it is likely that some
forms of
anti-Semitism would still exist. The living would be
replaced by
their own ghosts. In Poland the traditions of anti-Semitism
have left
such deep traces that the Jew as symbol could suffice
entirely."
Hertz's voice resounds across the decades like that
of a prophet.
Jews, the eternal historic "Other", as a symbol,
an abstraction,
a concept, with Israel increasingly filling that role.
To be sure, there are new elements
in today's mutation.
Among them, importantly, is the social, cultural and
political
impact of the millions of Muslims, many of them recent
immigrants,
who now live in Europe. They form a restive, often marginalized,
and
still to a large degree unintegrated segment of European
society,
susceptible to the anti-Semitic message that has become
an integral
part of anti-Israeli rhetoric in the Middle East. Most
of the
physical attacks against Jews and Jewish institutions
in Europe in
the past two and a half years appear to have been carried
out by
disaffected Muslim youths.
Another new element is the way
in which Israel is increasingly
identified with the United States, so that anti-Zionism,
and thus
often anti-Semitism, become subsets of anti-Americanism
-- and vice
versa.
Other new elements are round the
clock cable television and,
above all, the Internet. Everyone can find a home or
channel of
communication on the web, no matter how perverse, poisonous
or
inflammatory the message. And every such message will
find believers
who forward it along. Instant global and often anonymous
communications enable the wildfire spread of rumor,
deliberate
disinformation and hate, which are kept alive on websites
and
eternally circulating emails, with no differentiation
in the way
fact, fiction and forgery are presented. There is no
reality check in
cyberspace. 4,000 Israelis - or Jews - stayed home from
work at the
World Trade Center on September 11? Right. The Jews
were responsible
for the Space Shuttle disaster? Sure. Jews kill Christian
babies to
use their blood? OK.
Still, many of the recent manifestations
of anti-Semitism,
including anti-Semitism disguised as anti-Zionism, a
demonization of
Israel, and attacks on Jews and Jewish communal and
religious targets
as surrogates for Israel, are motifs that unfortunately
have come to
the fore time and again since the end of World War II.
Communist governments wielded "'anti-Zionism"
like a club.
Almost all communist states broke off diplomatic relations
with
Israel after the Six Day War of 1967, and some used
that as a pretext
for anti-Semitic clampdowns. Most prominent of these
was the
anti-Semitic campaign in the guise of "anti-Zionism"
launched by
Poland's communist regime in 1968. This resulted in
the forced exodus
of most of the remaining Jews left in the country, some
15,000 to
20,000 people.
Elsewhere, the armed police who
guard the great synagogue and
other Jewish institutions in Rome were put in place
more than 20
years ago, after Al Fatah terrorists hurled hand grenades
and fired
on the crowd leaving the synagogue after services, killing
a toddler
and injuring about 100 others.
This attack took place amid a
groundswell of anti-Israel feeling
following the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982. Throughout
the
1970s and 1980s, Rome was the scene of other Palestinian
terrorist
attacks - and synagogues and Jewish or Israeli institutions
in other
European cities, including Brussels, Istanbul, Paris
and Vienna, also
were targeted.
At the same time, what can be
called "classic" anti-Semitism has
never really disappeared, either. Traditional anti-Semitic
stereotypes have long been a staple of the far-right
fringe in
western Europe, though expressions of it, after the
Shoah, tended to
e taboo in polite society.
Recently, however, widely held
pro-Palestinian political stands
have contributed to a growing acceptance of traditional
anti-semitic
rhetoric in more mainstream European public discourse
and private
conversation; on university campuses and in society
salons.
This acceptance can be quite unconscious. I have an
acquaintance
in Rome, for example, whom I would not at all define
as an
anti-Semite. Yet, I was taken aback recently when she
started talking
about how Jews controlled business interests in Rome,
how they stuck
together for their own benefit, and the like. Millions
of people live
in Rome, but the city's Jewish population numbers just
15,000. Only
about 35,000 Jews live in all of Italy, out of a total
population of
60 million. This friend grew up in a rural part of the
country where
no Jews live and where the general term for "human
being" is
Cristiano - Christian.
Another current example is an
updated version of the Protocols
of the Elders of Zion slander that powerful Jews conspire
together to
pull the strings of the world. This is manifested in
attempts to
blame the war with Iraq on Israel - or, indeed, on "the
Jews" in
general. We see this expressed in media editorials and
cartoons, and,
more crudely, in placards carried at anti-war rallies.
At a big peace
rally in Paris little more than a week ago, a French
Arab protester
was reported to have voiced this quite explicitly. He
pointed at a
group of fellow protesters, members of a French Jewish
student
organization. "They are not welcome here,"
he said, "because of what
they did to our Palestinian brothers." "They"?
These were young
French Jews, who, like him, had turned out to protest
the war in Iraq.
In former communist states, the emergence of public
expressions
of anti-Semitism has been facilitated by the new conditions
of free
speech under democracy.
In Hungary, this has been documented by B'nai B'rith,
which
established a center to monitor anti-Semitic discourse
and published
a book detailing the phenomenon for the year 2000. An
article in this
volume, by Gyorgy Tatár, described a situation in which
far-right
publications often cited articles and reports in the
western liberal
media critical of Israel, as a means of backing up their
own, more
traditional, anti-Semitic positions, replete with coded
innuendoes in
which the term "Jew" is never mentioned, replaced,
instead, by
expressions such as "foreign heart," "divergence
from the spirit of
the Hungarian nation," and the like.
Just last month (March 2003),
we saw such coded anti-Semitic
innuendo used in Italy after the distinguished journalist
Paolo Mieli
was nominated to head Italy's public broadcasting company,
RAI.
Mieli's father was Jewish and he is supportive of Israel,
but he
doesn't have any connection per se with the local Jewish
community.
After he was nominated, vandals scrawled anti-Semitic
slogans on the
walls of the RAI headquarters in Milan, demanded Mieli
Raus. More
disturbing, however, a frontpage editorial in the Rome
daily Il Tempo
complained that Italian television was being dominated
"by
professionals of excellent quality but with non-Catholic
culture and
sensibility." Besides Mieli, it mentioned two other
prominent
journalists of Jewish origin. This, in effect, implied
that
non-Catholics were not quite Italian.
I think we know where that can lead.
Nearly 20 years after Aleksander
Hertz wrote the book I quoted
earlier, the French critic and philosopher Alain Finkielkraut
coined
the term Imaginary Jew.
This term has many levels of meaning. To me, it connotes
how
Jews are regarded as a "concept" rather than
a living reality -- the
ways in which the image and memory of Jews and the Jewish
world that
was destroyed in the Holocaust, has, in a sense, continued
to haunt
Europe, whether or not there is an actual contemporary
Jewish
presence. This haunting is also sometimes described
as a persisting
"presence of absence" or "phantom pain"
from an amputated limb.
For decades after World War II, memory of Jewish history
and
heritage was often marginalized, repressed or forgotten.
This was
particularly so in countries where the Holocaust took
place, but it
also occurred in countries less directly touched by
the effects of
the Shoah. Jews, their culture and their history were
often viewed as
something distinctly apart, off-limits; with even the
Holocaust
regarded as an internal "Jewish thing" detached
from the general flow
of national history and national memory.
In Eastern Europe, communist ideology made the extermination
of
the Jews a footnote to the overall suffering in World
War II, and
communist governments suppressed both Jewish expression
and open
examination of the past.
This created new layers of complexity
and anguish in an intense,
if troubled, relationship: layers of communist anti-Semitism,
contradictory stereotype (Jews as communist string-pullers;
Jews as
the capitalist rich), Christian anti-Semitism, Holocaust
destruction.
Under communism, citizens of Soviet bloc states were
denied what
the British historian Timothy Garton Ash has called
a "normal access
to the national past." The postwar physical absence
of Jews and their
own memories and historical viewpoint coincided with
and indeed aided
in the implementation of the official communist agenda.
Everything
unofficial was internalized or went underground, where
it sometimes
festered. Moreover, the distortions vis-a-vis Jews decreed
by
official ideology were often counterbalanced, or enhanced,
by
memories, myths, rumors and ambivalent feelings which
themselves
contributed to further distortion.
Without Jewish input to influence
discussion or contradict
either the superstition or the general line, citizens
of Communist
states were, in effect, as James Young has put it, "left
alone with
their own, now uncontested, memory of events."
The resulting vacuum
in knowledge could be profound and could lend itself
readily to
manipulation.
A student I used as a translator
in Hungary in 1992 knew
virtually nothing of the Jewish history of his home
town, which was
once an important Jewish center and still had many Jewish
traces. The
visits we paid to local Jewish cemeteries and ruined
synagogues, and
the conversations we had with some of the few remaining
local Jews,
opened up a new world for him. When I mentioned at one
point that he
should know something of history, he responded, "But
what history?"
The only book about Israel and Judaism he had ever read
was a
crude anti-Semitic tract that had been given to him
by an American
neo-Nazi in Germany. "How was I to know it wasn't
true?" he asked. "I
had read nothing else. That's why I don't want to know
about history
-- because how do you know what's true?"
Response to the "presence
of absence" or "phantom pain" is not,
of course, always negative. And anti-Semitism in Europe
exists side
by side with a widespread interest in, promotion and
celebration of
Jewish culture and experience.
Much of this emanates from Jewish
communities themselves. But
much, and in some places most, is targeted at, embraced,
and even
produced by the non-Jewish mainstream - a sort of philo-Semitism
without Jews.
Jewish culture festivals, exhibits,
study programs and workshops
abound. Klezmer music - performed by Jewish groups and
local
non-Jewish groups - draws enthusiastic audiences, mainly
non-Jewish.
Scores of thousands of visitors each year take part
in European Days
of Jewish Culture held simultaneously in nearly two
dozen countries.
Jewish museums proliferate, with new ones planned in
Milan, Munich,
and Warsaw. Once-abandoned synagogues and Jewish quarters
are under
restoration as tourist attractions, or even, again,
as houses of
worship.
In the 1990s, the Paris-based
historian Diana Pinto coined the
term "Jewish Space" to describe the place
occupied by Jews, Jewish
culture and Jewish memory within mainstream European
society. It is a
space, she notes, that is universal and that exists
regardless of the
current size or activity of the local Jewish population.
Mainstream interest in and promotion of Jewish culture
form a
complex, ambiguous phenomenon that cannot be described
in simplistic
terms of black and white.
For some, the process has been
a way of filling in the blanks of
a communist-era agenda that made Jewish issues taboo.
For others, it
is a means of coming to terms with, or even atoning
for, the Nazi
legacy. For others it is a key to building (or rebuilding)
a
democratic and tolerant state. These are unfinished
processes, still
going on amid the complicated new conditions that have
arisen since
Sept. 11, 2001.
There are many troubling aspects,
too - to the point where some
observers see philo-semitism and anti-Semitism as two
sides of the
same coin.
Like anti-Semitic hostility, the
interest and sympathy, and the
embrace of Jewish culture (or what is perceived as Jewish
culture)
may have little to do with actual Jews and their concerns,
including
their concern for the welfare of Israel; Jews can be
perceived as
cherished museum objects rather than as living, vital
entities.
Some of the response is downright schizophrenic.
Let me quote here an email I received a few weeks ago
from a
researcher and performer who spends time each year in
Spain. This
year, she said, she was struck by the intensity of the
double
standard:
"Spanish folk groups record
Sephardic songs and tourist offices
promote 'old Jewish quarters," she wrote, "while
the anti-Jewish
feeling is skyrocketing. Yesterday, I received a message
[from
someone] threatening to organize a boycott of my upcoming
concerts
and workshops in Galicia (which are not even ON Jewish
music!)
because, this person says, 'everyone is saying you will
be talking
about the fascist Zionist pigs and supporting them,
along with
supporting the war against Iraq."
This schizophrenia, however, long
pre-dates the current crisis.
Non-Jewish European interest in Jewish culture began
gaining momentum
in the 1980s. This was a decade, as I noted earlier,
in which, like
today, Israel was reviled in the media and Jews were
targeted by a
spate of terrorist attacks.
Graffiti I found more than five
years ago scrawled outside the
venue of the annual summer klezmer music festival in
Ancona, Italy
summed it up: "Yes to Klezmer, No to Zionists".
Despite these disturbing elements, there is much to
applaud. And
in conclusion, I think I have to mention this, as well
- in order not
to drown in pessimism.
A dozen years ago it would have
been difficult to imagine that
Jewish culture would have such a prominent and popular
place in the
European mainstream.
What's more, for the first time,
Europeans, and European
countries, are recognizing Jewish culture, Jewish history
and the
Holocaust itself as part of their own narrative and
not a separate
"Jewish thing."
It is important, too, to note
that the trends I have mentioned -
both positive and negative, anti-Semitism and philo-semitism
-- are
going on hand-in-hand with a remarkable revival inside
European Jewry
itself: in education, religious practice, and artistic
and cultural
expression. Much of this, however, takes place well
out of public
view.
Things may change, of course.
They always do. And positive interest in Things Jewish
does not by any means mean that the anti-Semitism can
- or should - be dismissed or belittled.
On the contrary! Perhaps, though,
the broader context can help put into
perspective the nature of the threat.
Jews don't, and never did, create anti-Semitism. But
perhaps
they can, today, help strengthen positive attitudes
by further
opening out Jewish culture to the wider society, rather
than circling
the wagons.
--
Ruth Ellen Gruber
author of: Virtually Jewish: Reinventing Jewish Culture
in Europe
University of California Press
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